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The last enclave of pagan tribespeople in remotest Pakistan might already have fallen to the combined ravages of modernity and militant Islam were it not for a redoubtable, eccentric Englishwoman.

The journey to Birir in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan takes you along a terrifying jeep track of 11 hairpin miles. It winds so sharply and narrowly that you can’t see more than 100 yards ahead; only extremely skilful drivers can handle the challenge of its crumbling steepness, and every year many people are killed as Jeeps overloaded with timber or passengers or both slide off the edge.

Birir and its two neighbouring valleys nestle below the soaring white walls of the Hindu Kush range, the last strongholds of the Kalash – the ‘wearers of black’. The Kalash are the surviving Kafirs of Kafiristan, the ‘land of the infidels’ made famous by Rudyard Kipling (and then the film director John Huston) in The Man Who Would Be King. For centuries, Kafiristan stretched across Afghanistan and Pakistan; today all that remains is a hill tribe of 3,500 – the only pagans to be found for thousands of miles in any direction.

Many of the Kalash claim descent from the armies of Alexander the Great, and indeed their faces do look strikingly similar to those you would encounter in Croatia or Montenegro. They make wine, revere animals and believe in mountaintop fairies. To observe their lives is to be transported far from today’s North-West Frontier, with its increasingly militant, misogynistic brand of Islam, to a world that Homer’s contemporaries might have recognised.

Polytheists who divide the world into male and female realms, the Kalash claim they were once a literate culture but their books were burnt long ago by savage tribes. Their religion harks back to ancient fertility cults. Some among them practise an annual rite known as ‘budalak’, when a teenage boy is selected to go alone into the high forests for almost a year. When he returns on a feast day, he may sleep with any and as many Kalash women as he chooses.

The Kalash have long been so isolated that they are believed by nearby peoples to hibernate like animals. But the rugged remoteness that once protected them is disappearing fast as better roads are built, and Muslim homesteaders from Punjab and elsewhere in Pakistan outnumber the Kalash. The settlers have brought with them mosques, missionaries and a money economy that has landed in deep debt families more familiar with the barter system. It is a familiar story.

With exposure to the electric world of mobile phones, videos and satellite television, the Kalash young yearn for the glamour of life beyond their valleys; and today the Kalash culture is under threat from militant Islam, rapid deforestation, technology and a lethal combination of gullibility and greed among the Kalash themselves. Indeed, it would probably be gone already, were it not for the efforts of an eccentric 69-year-old Englishwoman known locally as ‘Bibi Doe’.

For two decades Bibi Doe has raised money for inoculations, fresh-water pipes and bridges. She has driven sick people to the hospital in Chitral and distant Peshawar, where her little NGO paid the bills. It was she who built the first latrines here and brought the first stoves – with help from the British High Commission – so that the women would no longer suffer eye and lung diseases from open fires inside the houses. She opened dispensaries where locals can get aspirin and antibiotics that stop the children dying from fever.

It is hard to believe that anyone could make the journey from Peshawar to Chitral so often – but last October alone Bibi Doe did it 12 times. She regularly puts up with dangers and physical discomforts that would fell a woman half her age. In 1990, for instance, she almost drowned when her Land Cruiser was hit by a flash flood while crossing a river. (She never now wears a seatbelt.)

For Bibi Doe, death threats are a fact of life. She has battled corrupt officials, the frontier timber mafia, Kalash distillers of lethal moonshine liquor, bigoted mullahs, pimps, jihadist militants, insensitive tourists, unscrupulous entrepreneurs, giant aid agencies, foreign academics and do-gooders she considers exploitative. ‘If you ever read that I’ve died in accident,’ she said as we loaded up her Land Cruiser before leaving for Birir, ‘you’d better come back and investigate what really happened.’

Bibi Doe is named after her favourite Kalash dog – an orphaned pup she adopted in 1986 after its mother was taken by a wolf. The children of the valleys heard her shouting, ‘Bibi Doe! Bibi Doe!’ as she tramped up and down the trails with a backpack full of medicines. It became their name for her, and then everyone’s name for her. When she raised money for the repair of a 1927 suspension bridge across the Chitral river, on which the commerce of the valleys depends, she ensured that a plaque on the bridge read, ‘Repaired 2006 by Bibi Doe’.

Before she was adopted by a Kalash family in Birir in 1981, Bibi Doe was known as Maureen Lines. Born in north London to a middle-class family, Lines has over the years been a tourist official in Greece, a taxi driver, a waitress, a domestic in Beirut, a petrol pump attendant and a writer of Gothic novels. She has also written several books about her travels in Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier. Certainly, she never planned to become an aid worker. ‘Never in my wildest dreams did I think I’d be involved in development.’

We were in her little room in Birir, the fire blazing and a gas lamp hissing in the background. She explained that her first memories are of huddling in a Morrison shelter as bombs of the Blitz rained down. An only child (her father worked in radar), her companions growing up were dogs, books and fantasy. She left school at 16 and went to study shorthand and speech at Harrow Tech with hopes of becoming an actress or a journalist. Both dreams dissolved when her mother left her father.

Soon afterwards, Lines ran away and found a job as a waitress at one of the new espresso bars in central London. She then headed to Paris, to sell the Herald Tribune like Jean Seberg in A bout de souffle. In 1961 she emigrated to America. ‘It was one of those impulses. I’ve lived my life on impulses. I was standing at a bus stop in the rain, I’d had a fight with my lover and I was out of work when I saw a sign advertising for “domestics in America”. Six months later I was on a ship to New York.’

The job didn’t last long and Lines went to work in a coffee shop in Greenwich Village. The beatnik years were in full swing, and for a decade she worked just to pay for partying and studying. First she went to the New School to study journalism and poetry, and then switched to New York University to do international affairs and Arabic. There, she discovered her love of travel and of the Muslim and Arab worlds. In 1964 – before the advent of overland holidays and the hippie trail to India – she hitchhiked from Istanbul to Damascus. ‘Everyone said I was a fool and that I’d be murdered or raped. But I never had a problem as a woman,’ she said.

Lines had moved back to England when her travels took her to Pakistan and the Kalash valleys for the first time in 1980. It was the end of a voyage taking in Cairo, Khartoum and Bahrain. She and Pakistan got on well immediately. ‘Within 24 hours I was on the radio giving my impressions of the country,’ she said with a laugh. ‘It’s been like that ever since.’

Her first contact with a Kalash woman came when Lines was trying to find a route across a fast-flowing stream. A tall, dignified woman – wearing a veil, which was unusual – showed her a place to cross. On her way across the smooth stones, Lines slipped. To her surprise the woman was right behind her and caught her arm. As she did so, her veil slipped and Lines saw that her face was disfigured by a mass of ‘pink and black scabs’. A few days later Lines went into Chitral and bought some medicines and took them back to treat the woman.

A year later, she returned to the valleys and managed to secure a permit to stay for a month. It was then that she met Tak-Dira, who adopted Lines and became her ‘Kalash mother’. It was during this second stay that Lines resolved to go back to America to gain a medical qualification so she could help the Kalash.

Back in New York she trained as a paramedic, though illness delayed her return to the valleys for four years. Once established, she became a kind of barefoot doctor in hiking boots walking from one village to another, a backpack full of medicine, a dog or two at her side. ‘I did 10 to 12 miles a day. I had a ball.’ Whenever she could, she ‘would literally hijack passing doctors’ for medicines.

In 1990 she started her pit latrine and stove projects. The first money she raised came from bake sales and the like at her late mother’s home in Princes Risborough in Buckinghamshire. But soon she began to raise money from governments and embassies. She found herself spending more and more time in Islamabad talking to diplomats and Pakistani officials, and getting more involved with environmental threats to the Kalash, such as uncontrolled tourism and deforestation.

Three years later, she started her Pakistani NGO, the Kalash Environmental Protection Society (Keps) – and then, in 1995, the British charity that supports it, the Hindu Kush Conservation Association. She became a citizen of Pakistan after one of her ‘enemies’ in officialdom almost managed to get her deported a few years ago. ‘This young man married me and that’s how I got my ID card,’ she said. ‘He’s somewhere in England now, I don’t know where.’

I had first met Maureen Lines in Chitral in 1994. She had just founded the ‘Kalash Guides’ to soften the impact of tourism in the valleys. Travellers were encouraged to use the local guides she had trained rather than outsiders from the hotels of Chitral. Lines had had enough of seeing ‘Jeeps tear up people’s fields’ and busloads of tourists surrounding Kalash women as they bathed in the river. The scheme also meant that Kalash families rather than Punjabi carpetbaggers gained some economic benefit from tourism, and ensured that visitors didn’t get lost on the mountain trails. I stayed in a guest room of one of the guides in Birir – a fascinating but cold and flea-ridden experiment in medieval living. The guide scheme worked until 9/11 and the Afghan war, which dried up the tourist flood.

Today, Lines is as remarkable, thoughtful and energetic as when I last saw her. She is also tough, cantankerous, slightly deaf and marvellous company. Her no-nonsense approach seems to have neutralised the usual disadvantages of being a woman in one of the most sexually oppressive places in Asia. The North-West Frontier of Pakistan is the most conservative part of a conservative country. In the picturesque bazaars of Chitral town, you are unlikely ever to see a woman. Here, it is said that a woman goes out in public twice in her life: once to leave her father’s house for her husband’s, the next time to be buried. The contrast with the Kalash valleys could hardly be greater. The first thing you notice in Birir and its sister valleys is the sound and sight of women – ubiquitous, assertive and wearing traditional dress.

There are no hotels in the citadel villages of Birir so Lines invited me to stay with her Kalash family in a room next to their one-storey house, set against the hillside, with its rickety veranda looking down on a grove of trees surrounding a little cemetery. The flat-roofed houses are made of stone, wood and mud to withstand the region’s earthquakes. Extended families of 20 or more live together in each house, in a single dark room with an earthen floor.

In the house of Lines’s adoptive family, we huddle against the cold around the wood-burning metal stove. We are sitting on low stools made of walnut and animal hide. Lines had brought rice – too expensive for most Kalash – to make a feast, with cooked vegetables and flat bread and a salad of onions and tomatoes. We drank the rough homemade red wine, which tastes a bit like vodka and grape juice. As we ate, Lines chatted in Kalash to Sainusar, Tak-Dira’s daughter, in her midforties, and various other family members; a small bulb above us emitted a feeble glow. There is some electricity in the valley – from two small hydro-electric plants. Some of the men went off elsewhere to smoke hashish, a habit introduced by hippie backpackers. But everyone was in bed soon after nightfall.

The next morning, we visited one of Lines’s dispensaries in lower Birir. Unlike the government dispensary further up the valley, it is well stocked. One of the problems faced by the Kalash, like so many other remote people in the subcontinent, is that government facilities tend to exist only on paper or to suffer from extreme absenteeism. For instance, there is a government doctor assigned to the Kalash valleys, but he is rarely, if ever, there.

Lines’s dispensary is a bare concrete room with a couple of shelves of medications and a ledger. It is maintained by Hassan and Shah Hussein, two voluble young Muslim men from a nearby village. One is a Kalash convert, the other is from one of the families who have moved here from the Punjab and elsewhere in Pakistan.

One of the strange things about morning in Birir is the amplified sound of the muezzin’s call to prayer. Though the Pakistani federal government ‘genuinely supports freedom of religion’, as Lines said, and has long been serious about protecting the Kalash culture, the provincial government is now controlled by the Muslim Fundamentalist party, the MMA, which has strong links to the Taliban across the border, and which disapproves of the infidel presence in their midst.

According to Minocher ‘Minoo’ Bhandara, a Pakistani MP and former minister for minorities, Muslim families here insist that the families of Kalash brides or grooms also convert, so they don’t have to suffer the humiliation of Kafir in-laws. ‘A lot of money is exchanged, I believe,’ he said. ‘They don’t convert for any religious or ideological reason – there has to be a financial incentive.’

I spent a further week with Lines in Birir as she visited her various projects in the three valleys: an irrigation project here, a dispensary there, latrine projects everywhere. Though it was cold and she hated the way her knees and back limited her mobility (‘I’m worried I won’t be able to go up to the high pastures in the spring,’ she grumbled), she was ebullient after a successful fundraising dinner in Islamabad and positive meetings with the Kalash Co-ordinating Committee.

Stopping deforestation by what Lines calls ‘the timber mafia’ takes up an increasing amount of her time. There are very few forests left in Pakistan and there is enough demand to render the antideforestation laws virtually meaningless. Donkeys and overloaded Jeeps carry heavy loads of sweet-smelling cedar and deodar out of the valleys every night. As the forests disappear, flash floods become more and more common. ‘The majority of the people’ are behind her, Lines said. ‘But the big guys in Birir – corrupt Kalash and corrupt Muslims – they don’t give a damn. They’ve got enough money accumulated, they can go some place else after the land has been ruined. The other problem is corruption in the forest service. We had a good guy here but the bearded ones [the Taliban] had him transferred and the wood is now pouring out again.’

Two things ensure that Lines can punch above her weight. She has access to the Pakistani media and a network of supporters in Pakistan and abroad. Among those allies is the railways chief Shakil Durrani, who was the district commissioner in Chitral when Lines first moved to Pakistan, and then the chief secretary of the whole North-West Frontier Province. He found the Kalash fascinating and ‘wanted to do my bit to ensure that they remain, not as zoo people but a vibrant living people’. Like many other sympathetic observers, Durrani believes that the Kalash are ‘their own worst enemies’ with their lawsuits, squabbling disunity and what he calls ‘their casual attitude to many things in life, especially money.’ Durrani still does what he can to help and is on the board of Keps. At one point, he asked Diana, Princess of Wales, to become a patron of the Kalash. ‘She agreed in principle to lend her name,’ he told me, though she died before the project came to fruition.

A couple of days into our stay, all work – though not Lines’s – came to a halt. An old man had died. The funeral would last for three days, during which time people would walk from all of the valleys to pay their respects. Funerals are expensive for the Kalash, partly because work ceases, but mostly because the bereaved family is expected to sacrifice goats and cows to feed the guests. It is one of the only times that the Kalash eat meat; animals are too valuable to slaughter except on such occasions.

During the funeral, a group of Kalash women formed a semicircle around the corpse – which lay on a bier, covered in gold cloth – and linked arms. They danced around the body while others chanted. You could tell the women from the bereaved family because they were the only women with bare heads (a Kalash woman takes off her headdress only when in mourning). In between the dances, the male elders told the life story of the deceased in a kind of chant. It was an extraordinary spectacle.

After the funeral, I accompanied Lines to Bumburet, the largest and most beautiful of the Kalash valleys, with snow-clad peaks visible at both top and bottom. But there are grubby hotels here and shops and NGO offices, and even satellite dishes on some of the houses. Even with tourism so weak, there are more foreigners here than in the other valleys. When we stopped for tea and some flat bread and goat’s cheese, I met an Italian anthropology professor dressed in full shalwar kameez and Chitrali cap, his eyes made up with eyeliner.

Here, a wealthy Greek NGO is building a huge cedar-wood mansion they have called the Kalash House, which will include a museum, school and conference centre. I met Athanasios, the head of the NGO, briefly as he drove out of the valley in his SUV. He has shaggy hair and dark glasses and looks a bit like a 1970s rock star. Lines said that the mansion is ‘a monument to his egotism’. At one point, she told me, Athanasios gave what he called a ‘scholarship’ – in fact a cash gift of 30,000 rupees – to every Kalash family with a child of school age. ‘A cash gift. It was the most corrupting thing. Many of the families used the money to buy land.’

She talked a great deal about the ‘corruption’ of the Kalash. Sometimes she meant it in the literal sense. One of the wealthier Kalash families became so by stealing and selling statues in the valleys. She is greatly concerned by the replacement of the barter system, and the loss of traditional skills, such as shoemaking (the women now wear plastic shoes from Chitral that hurt their feet). Even the education offered here is not entirely a boon, in her opinion. ‘Some of the boys speak a few words of English, put on Western clothes and think “Man, I’m cool”. They have enough education not to want to work in the fields but not enough to get a job in the world outside.’ Education has also undermined the gerontocratic social system of the valleys: young people with a smattering of literacy despise their illiterate parents and long to join the exciting outside world.

Not everyone agrees with Lines that the Kalash culture should be protected from the outside world with its technology and subversive pop culture. Minoo Bhandara, one of Lines’s longtime supporters, is adamant that she is wrong about development in the valleys. As he told me in his office in Islamabad, ‘She doesn’t want hotels. She wants tough roads so people tough it out. She doesn’t want too many tourists to contaminate the Kalash. But they are like other ordinary folks: if you ask them what they want most in the world they would say, “a cell phone and a television”. The rest of the world has them, why not them?’

But Lines believes that sanitation and education should come before electricity and improved roads. ‘They need some knowledge and awareness first. I saw the same thing in Pathan culture when I first came to Pakistan,’ she said. ‘I was taken to a small village in the tribal areas and they had a refrigerator in the sitting-room but no sanitation, no drinking water, no toilet. They did have electricity.’

Lines is horrified by the money that has been wasted by big aid agencies here. I got some sense of that on the way back to Chitral. We passed several lengths of huge ugly piping, part of a failed water project by the Aga Khan charity AKRSP. It cost nine million rupees (£75,000), but was never finished. Another AKRSP project involved building a road, but ‘they put it on the wrong side of the river and it washed away. I’ve seen so much money wasted here, money which could have helped the people in so many good ways.’

When Lines started her UK charity, a lawyer friend told her to read a biography of Dian Fossey, the murdered American ethologist. ‘He told me, “If what you do is not successful you will have no problem, but if you achieve things your life will be miserable.” It’s an observation that has come true.’ Despite her successes – there is hope that Unesco will declare the valleys a heritage site – Lines fears that Kalash culture may disappear entirely within a decade.

Prince Siraj Ulmulk, the owner of the Hindu Kush Heights, a hotel overlooking the Chitral river valley, told me, ‘We’re so lucky someone like Maureen is giving her time to us. We could never understand why someone would leave a lovely place like England to do this. It’s a hell of a lot of work for one person to take on. I just hope she keeps on doing what she’s doing.’

‘I carry on because of the women,’ Lines said. ‘People ask, “What made you give up your life to do this?” What is it I’ve given up? I’m doing exactly what I want to do and the whole way of life here has given me so much. I’ve had a very rich life.’

Further information: hindukushconservation.com

It is all too clear that the Mumbai terrorists were outstanding at their vocation. This was true in a purely technical military sense – after all, as few as ten of them were able to hold off the massed might of India’s security forces, including her best commandos, for more than three days. But it was also true in a more important functional sense: they were highly effective at inspiring terror. They chose precisely the right targets in a country whose institutional and cultural weaknesses they understood and were able to exploit. Though the real horror of their attacks was the murders they committed and tried to commit, they inspired massive fear far away from the symbolic targets they chose. Indeed, what I found in Mumbai during the four long days of the emergency was that the fear they provoked increased the further you got from the loci of their actual attacks.

The terror instilled by the attacks was somehow deepened by the news coverage, with its melodramatic music, its repetition of rumours and supposition, and its sheer ghoulish relentlessness. But the terror seemed from my experience to have a proportionately stronger effect on the well-off and socially prominent. The poor of the city, like the inhabitants of Colaba Market in south Mumbai, where three of the attacks took place, are perhaps more fatalistic and resilient, having dealt with life-threatening floods, riots and terrorist attacks before. Mumbai’s working- and middle-class commuters were back on the trains the day after the horrific railway bombings of July 2006. This time, smart shops stayed closed not just in Colaba but far away in central Mumbai, and hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, stayed home, glued to their TVs for days on end.

Thursday, November 27

 

I get to Mumbai (almost all residents still call it Bombay even though they have long called themselves Mumbaikars) in the evening, about 24 hours after the terrorists attacked. After walking through the gleaming but half-empty airport terminal, I find it all but impossible to get a cab down to my hotel in Colaba. The drivers are convinced either that the south of the Mumbai peninsula is too dangerous or that a police curfew has cut off all road access to the area. As my hotel has reassured me, it turns out that no such cordon or curfew exists. The one brave driver willing to take a German businessman and me makes it down to the bottom of the peninsula in a quarter of the usual time. Despite the fact that the emergency is at its height, there are no roadblocks except in the immediate vicinity of the Taj Mahal and Oberoi hotels. Indeed, when I drop the German at his seaside apartment, we go straight through a police checkpoint that has apparently been abandoned. “Oh, the police always leave the checkpoints at midnight to go to sleep,” the businessman tells me. “Security was supposed to have been boosted because they were expecting attacks here after the bombs in Jaipur and Bangalore, especially during Diwali [in early November], but nothing really changed.”

 

At the Fariyas Hotel, none of the staff has slept for more than 24 hours, as none of the morning shift turned up today. They are cheery though, the managers dozing in the lobby, and keen to point out to me the besieged Nariman House, with its Jewish centre on one floor, which is only a couple of hundred yards away and can be seen from the lobby steps. A porter takes me to the top floor so I can see the dome of the Taj. It’s on fire. Suddenly, the whole attack seems real and sickening. I have never stayed at the Taj, although as a backpacker more than a decade ago I took refuge in the famous Harbour Bar. Seeing the red flames and smoke reminds me of the famous photograph of St Paul’s Cathedral during the Blitz.

 

I walk to the siege sites. I cannot believe how quiet the streets are. The manager told me that by 9pm the area looked as it normally does at 3am. There is now no human presence whatsoever. Even the hundreds of people who normally sleep on the pavements or in cars have vanished. Block after block, the only sign of life comes from the feral dogs, who look surprised to have inherited a city. It feels eerie, like a science fiction apocalypse. I walk down the seaside road known as the Strand in the direction of the Taj. It is empty until about 200 yards from the hotel, where a fire engine makes a barrier. The press pack and cameras are on the other side of the hotel, next to the Gateway of India. Here, besides a handful of policeman manning an unmarked perimeter, most snoozing in their cars, some older men in vests sit smoking on the sea wall, with a small gaggle of teenagers. The roof of the Taj is burning and no water is being poured on the flames, though at this point there is no apparent fighting. Indeed there’s no sound except the waves hitting the shore, the quiet voices of the smokers and the low intermittent crackle of the police radio. It’s past 2am. Perhaps the security forces are keeping a low profile until a morning attack, though if the guests still trapped in the hotels are really “hostages”, as the media here refers to them, it seems odd that so little is being done, more than 24 hours into the crisis.

 

I cross to the other side of the peninsula to the Oberoi-Trident complex, a hotel that spreads across several buildings. Here there are cameras set up and a bigger crowd on the sea wall. The hotel is lit up but there are no fires blazing and no troops standing guard with the handful of police who shout if you go too far past the line of fire trucks. There is no rope keeping everyone back, no bank of fierce paramilitary or military men of the kind you would find at such a scene in Britain or America. Young female Indian newsreaders look bored between takes – it’s the women who get the nightshift. It’s as if everyone’s taking a break from the crisis until morning.

 

Nearer my hotel, I try to get closer to Nariman House, where a Chasidic rabbi, his wife and three guests are being held hostage, his two-year-old son having been rushed out of the building by a maid. (The Israelis are said to have offered the assistance of their commandos to rescue the hostages but the offer has been refused by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.) Nariman House sits behind a warren-like slum at the edge of a ramshackle fishing village and a popular street market. This village, it later turns out, is probably where the terrorists landed.

 

 

 

As I enter the narrow alleys near the market, I’m assailed by a stench of rot and sewage, and two lapdog-sized rats run between and over my feet. I can just see the top of Nariman House but there is nothing else to see at this hour and I pick my way past piles of refuse to the hotel, stepping on another rat, this one dead.

 

At the hotel a few hours before dawn, I check in with the excitable newsreaders. Every channel and newspaper has come up with a logo along the lines of “Mumbai at War” or “Warzone Mumbai”. One station says that the army has announced the clearing of the Taj, following the killing of two terrorists. It is now being “sanitised”, according to police sources, and the task will take many hours. Half-an-hour later, other security sources say that terrorists are still at large in the building.

 

Meanwhile, the celebrated local author Shobaa De has caused a stir by giving an interview in which she says that India has been “too tolerant”, and “enough is enough”. This is a theme that will be brought up repeatedly over the coming days. She is referring to the incompetence and cynicism of the politicians, though others decide she means that India is too tolerant of Pakistan or even the country’s own Muslims. Others interpret it as a call for new laws and regulations.

 

It isn’t clear that the latter would help. Form-filling is already required of all hotel guests and for most kinds of legal economic activity. Moreover, there are already various Prevention of Terrorism Acts in force in parts of India that severely restrict civil liberties and have allowed paramilitary forces to get away with torture and murder. Just before I switch off, the news says that there has been more firing at the Taj and the army believes there is a wounded terrorist still alive there.

 

Friday, November 28

 

The stench in the area around Nariman House is just as bad this morning when I return, awakened by the big Russian-made helicopter that has just dropped nine black-clad elite National Security Guard (NSG) “black cat” commandos on to the roof. There’s a big crowd watching. I can hear loud intermittent rifle fire. It stops and then nothing happens.

 

Back at the hotel where the air conditioning is straining to beat unseasonable heat and a party of big taciturn Russians is roasting by the little pool, a TV news report is saying that the army believes there are five terrorists at the Taj but that the Oberoi has been cleared of terrorists and is being “sanitised”. The DNA newspaper says the opposite, its banner headline shouting: “Taj Taken, Oberoi Next.” It says, “There were 20 to 25 fedayeen in the operation…More than half were eliminated or arrested after the Taj operation ended successfully.” In fact, it will be another 24 hours before the Taj is cleared.

 

The foreign media assumes al-Qaeda is behind the attacks although a terrorism expert friend in Delhi calls to tell me that she thinks the attacks bear all the hallmarks of Lashkar-e-Taiba, a jihadist group, now based outside Lahore in Pakistan, which wants to bring all of Kashmir under Pakistani control. It has close links with the Pakistan intelligence agency, the ISI, al-Qaeda and Dawood Ibrahim, the exiled capo di tutti capi of the Mumbai underworld. It has been responsible for multiple terrorist attacks here, including an attack on parliament in December 2001. The international reports seem to focus almost exclusively on foreign hostages, though the attacks have primarily targeted Indians and their foreign business partners.

 

I leave to meet a contact who lives in a tower in the smart Breach Candy area, on the seaside highway that everyone calls Warden Road, even though it has been renamed Bulabai Desai Marg. My taxi zooms down Marine Drive (also renamed by Shiv Sena, to little effect). Normally, this famous, extraordinarily beautiful, long curve of road is packed with traffic. Today we are the only vehicle, a shaking, creaking little Fiat Padmini running at top speed, my driver riding the central divider like a monorail. The beach is empty. All the stores and restaurants are closed.

 

My contact has a 25-year-old daughter, who has three girlfriends in bed with her when I arrive, all watching the TV news. They were afraid to return to their homes in south Mumbai last night. They are far from danger but on the verge of tears. India’s new 24-hour cable news channels are accompanying every bulletin with melodramatic music and even more melodramatic newsreading. Although the attacks began more than 36 hours ago, at this point little is known about what is going on, how many hostages there are, if the terrorists have any demands, how many people have been killed or hurt. The newsreaders say that the Oberoi has been liberated by NSG commandos.

 

I go to the Gateway of India, walking past a police barrier keeping out all vehicles. It’s only when I get to a hundred yards from the lobby of the Taj that I have to show a press pass. Here there are scores of cameras set up, satellite trucks and policemen walking around. On a grass verge, a platoon of blue-uniformed troops of the Rapid Action Force is lying down, some pointing rifles at the hotel, others eating. Army troops in green crouch near fire engines. The fires I saw last night seem to be out but there are black scorch marks up one side of the hotel. Close to the lobby, plain-clothes policemen in bullet-proof vests are hiding behind a four-wheel-drive vehicle. The press line is astonishingly close to the hotel. No one is wearing a flak vest.

 

 

 

Moments after I arrive, firing erupts and people throw themselves to the ground. Some hide behind cars or the green netting around a nearby lawn. A grenade goes off with a loud bang. The firing seems to be coming from inside the hotel but it’s hard to tell in what direction it’s going. Just as quickly, it stops. Everyone in the press line, plus various hangers-on and onlookers behind them, gets up and starts wandering around and chatting. An ITN cameraman drily remarks that people here seem to think that bullets don’t travel more than a hundred yards or fly low to the ground. Even the police seem to think that a car door will protect them from an AK-47 round – a dangerous delusion. By the end of the day, two journalists will be wounded here, one of them a woman from Agence France Presse.

 

The whole atmosphere is strangely casual, even as gunfire erupts repeatedly. To my surprise, not only is there no proper perimeter around the hotel, there also isn’t a proper police cordon to prevent any terrorists escaping by one of the huge hotel’s many exits. At this point, there are no helicopters overhead, and no snipers visible up on the Gateway or in the modern tower that adjoins the old Taj building. I assume that there must be some kind of command post inside to coordinate the various different security forces here: the city police, the state reserve police, the regular army and the NSG commandos.

 

Most of the city policemen milling around, their rifles and long sticks carried every which way, wear a kind of baffled expression, as if confused to be dragged away from the daily grind of traffic control and minor extortion. Although there is a siege going on, some concentrate on the media women: the attractive, slightly chunky female newsreaders from Indian TV or the blonde foreign reporters of a certain age in jeans or combat pants.

 

Suddenly, about a quarter of the press pack pick up their cameras and sprint down the street away from the Taj. There’s more shooting at Victoria Terminus station, I’m told. It turns out to be pure rumour. Many of the shops that had been open this morning are shut by 1pm and people don’t come back to work. In the Crawford Market area, there is talk not just of shooting but of rioting. Shoppers run into stores to hide from violence that never comes. In response, the government shuts down all TV broadcasts for 45 minutes.

 

I was living in Manhattan on 9/11 and remember the rumours that ricocheted around then – the most widely-repeated one after the planes hit the towers was that ten more had been hijacked. But they had dissipated by the end of the day. These attacks have already been going on for more than a day and a half, and as they draw on, unresolved, rumour seems to grow more powerful, fed by TV anchors who need to say something even when there is nothing new to report.

 

It doesn’t help that there is no central command post briefing the press. The police, the army, the commandos that flew down from Delhi, the naval commandos and the state government have all been giving briefings both on and off the record. There is apparently a bureaucratic imperative for all of them to seem important or in charge.

 

I walk back to Nariman House down an empty Colaba Causeway, all its shops shut, the usual crowd of backpackers, tourists and touts gone. The road takes me past the Parsi housing estate, the model for Firozsha Baag in the works of Rohinton Mistry. Leopold’s Restaurant, where backpackers were sprayed with machine-gun fire on Wednesday night, is boarded up. Two terrorists, who had eaten at the restaurant before opening fire, are known to have walked from here the 200 or 300 yards to the back of the Taj.

 

 

 

Almost opposite Leopold’s is Colaba police station. Apparently, when a couple of cops finally came out to investigate, the gunmen calmly shot them. No more police emerged. Nor was there a response from the massive headquarters of the Maharashtra state police, only a quarter of a mile down the road and equidistant to the Taj.

 

At Nariman House, a battle is under way. The whole neighbourhood is watching from what is almost a safe distance. Most people are sensibly keeping to walls and out of direct sight of the buildings’ windows, though one man holds his baby up for a better view. Yesterday a couple of middle-aged residents watching from a balcony were killed by stray rounds. A teenager sees my camera and directs me to an unfinished apartment building. I climb rickety stairs and find myself with a TV camera crew and some local boys looking right across at the top floor of Nariman House. There are onlookers on all the surrounding rooftops, including a mass of small, blue-uniformed figures on what is obviously a school.

 

 

 

The shooting gets louder and more frequent, and a grenade blows out the windows of one floor of Nariman House. It’s hard to believe that the hostages can still be alive some seven hours after the assault began and apparently ground to a halt. According to the news, the terrorists are now on the third and fourth floors and the commandos are squeezing them in a pincer movement from the top and ground floors. But between the outbursts of shooting the commandos on the roof look strangely nonchalant, pacing up and down, looking out at the crowd, their carbines loose at their sides.

 

After some more grenade explosions and outbursts of fire, it’s announced on the news that according to the police the siege is over and the terrorists are dead. But firing breaks out again. Eventually, around 6pm, there’s a big explosion and this time it really is the end. The terrorists (who turn out to be two in number rather than ten) are dead and so are all the hostages.

 

 

 

A huge crowd gathers to cheer some of the commandos as trucks drive them away from the scene. They chant “Bharat Mata ki Jai!” (“Victory to Mother India!”), mobbing the vehicles. The TV news channels go wild, running instant specials “Saluting India’s Bravehearts”. When a leading Mumbai intellectual, Gerson da Cunha, asks on a news panel if “Operation Black Thunder” really was such a wonderful victory, the anchorman screams at him for his lack of patriotism and all the other guests join in.

 

The enthusiasm for the security forces is in stark contrast to the hatred being expressed for politicians of all parties. The English-speaking elite that was targeted at the hotels, and which has until now been mostly untouched by terrorism, is looking for someone to blame. The Hindu nationalist BJP would like to exploit the situation. However, it will be hard for it to don the mantle of toughness on terrorism. Recently, it has been campaigning against Maharashtra’s anti-terrorist squad over the arrest of a Hindu extremist army officer. The squad’s leader was killed on Wednesday and has been hailed as a martyr.

 

Back at the hotel, the news is saying that the terrorists came by boat from Karachi. There’s a kind of irony to this if it’s true. Karachi looks and feels like a mini-Mumbai. It is Pakistan’s great trading port, the locus of its film industry, its most Western, modern and outward-looking city. The story is that they hijacked a trawler up in Gujarat and that it was boarded by two coastguard officials, who were kidnapped and murdered. However, none of the stories includes a confirmation from the coastguard that any of its people are missing, and like so many rumours reported as news it evaporates in 24 hours.

 

The terrorists on the trawler are said to have landed just down the street from my hotel. The newspapers and TV show a picture of a semi-inflatable dinghy seized from a nearby fishing village. The police say it is one that the terrorists used. However, the police have a talent for “discovering” evidence at politically convenient moments, just as they are adept at getting confessions from unlikely suspects.

 

But the Karachi-Gujarat-Mumbai route makes sense. A Gujarati friend explains to me that there is an enormous amount of illegal commerce between Pakistan and India in the north of his state. Fisherman from each country routinely go back and forth to quiet beaches across the border. This is the prime smuggling route for heroin and cocaine on its way from Afghanistan to consumers in Mumbai. The trade is said to be controlled by Dawood Ibrahim, the Mumbai mafia boss who fled to the Gulf in the early 1970s and became a major backer of Islamist terrorism. He was said to have arranged the 1993 bomb attacks on Mumbai in revenge for anti-Muslim riots the year before. To Indian fury, he now operates out of Karachi.

 

Martin, a European banker who has lived here for three years, one of them in a suite at the Taj, takes me to a late dinner in an apartment on exclusive Malabar Hill. The apartment, on the top floor of a newly-built high-rise, is owned by the ex-wife of a prominent businessman. She looks like a Bollywood star, in jeans and a tight T-shirt. Everybody in the room has been watching TV almost continuously since Wednesday night. Our hostess says that it’s making her depressed. We are all relieved that the Oberoi has now been cleared, though there are said to be dozens of bodies in its restaurants and the operation was delayed by the loss of the master key.

 

The terrorist captured on Wednesday night is now allegedly talking to the authorities. He is the same young man whose clean-shaven face appeared on the front pages of all the papers this morning, snapped while gunning down people at VT station and before taking part in an ambush that killed three top police officers in a single devastating blow.

 

The overall mood is feverish. Everyone at the dinner knows several people who were at one of the attacked restaurants. All of them know J, a young woman who is now in a coma in hospital. She had been at the Taj for her brother’s birthday party. He was killed along with their parents and sister. It’s important to understand the five-star hotels’ place in Indian society. They are social and business hubs in a way that is hard for outsiders to appreciate. The Indian elite comes to them for luxury, comfort, calm and space. There is no equivalent in the UK or US. Attacking them is like simultaneously attacking every event of the English social season, every gentleman’s club and the top ten restaurants in London, starting with The Ivy. India’s best restaurants are still to be found in them and just about all the people I speak to here and in New Delhi know someone who was in one of the restaurants at the Taj or the Oberoi. All have eaten in them many times themselves.

 

Everyone in the city’s bon ton was called or texted or emailed from BlackBerries, by friends and relatives dining or drinking at the hotels that night. Many of the trapped diners knew what was happening by accessing the internet. (It may well have been the case that the terrorists too kept abreast of developments outside by checking the Web.) The Times of India food critic, Sabina Saikia, sent text messages to her husband in Delhi from her hiding-place under the bed in a suite on the top floor of the Taj. Her final message read: “They are in my bathroom.”

 

Martin has a colleague who was in the Taj but escaped in the early hours of Thursday morning. He says the commandos weren’t searching the rooms in any systematic way. When they escorted him and ten others out to a bus, it was parked in plain view of the hotel windows. As they reached it, the terrorists opened fire, killing at least one fellow-guest.

 

No one is surprised by this. Another guest has heard from a friend who was dining at the Taj but also got out in the morning how “the troopers didn’t know their way round the hotel”. “Look,” said another guest, a tall, slim woman married to a foreigner, “most of them have probably never been in a five-star hotel before. Of course they didn’t understand.” One of the commandos confirms on TV that the terrorists knew the hotel extremely well while he and his colleagues lacked maps or plans of the building.

 

Everyone is furious with the BJP’s Narendra Modi, who came to town today. Modi is a controversial figure, who gets “Z-category protection”: wherever he goes, he is accompanied by a huge police presence plus bodyguard of NSG commandos. Nor does anyone have any faith in the Chief Minister, whose house can be seen from our hostess’s balcony. “When we had the floods in 2003 that killed 800 people, he tried to blame it on plastic bags.”

 

“Security isn’t serious here,” another foreign-educated Indian businessman points out. “If you don’t look like a fisherman, you can go wherever you want.” His wife, who helps run an upmarket design store not far from the Taj, explains to me that Western-style security systems don’t work here. “If I tell the watchman to write down that I came in at 10 o’clock instead of 11, he will.”

 

The Indians at the party are worried that the attacks will severely damage tourism and the economy. Martin isn’t so sure. “People here have short memories. This year, there were bombs in Gujarat, Hyderabad, Jaipur and Bangalore. Has it stopped tourism in Jaipur or business in Bangalore? In Hyderabad, 60 people died and they found 19 bombs that didn’t detonate. In Jaipur, 90 people were killed.” He reflected for a minute. “Of course, they were all locals.”

 

Martin’s colleague was setting up a new business here. “I don’t think he’ll ever come back.”

 

Saturday, November 29

 

This morning, TV declares once again that the Taj has been cleared and the last terrorist killed. This time it seems to be true. Just after dawn, commandos attacked the remaining terrorist or terrorists on the ground and first floors – areas which troops had been in yesterday and are now windowless and blackened – and the news includes footage of a body falling or being pushed out of a first-floor window. The papers show gruesome pictures of murdered restaurant guests at the Oberoi and a portrait of a handsome NSG commando killed at the Taj last night. “Braveheart Dies In Rescue Op” runs the headline.

 

I walk to the Taj through the still relatively quiet streets. Their elegance is so run-down it could be Cuba without the excuse of socialism for crumbling walls and peeled paint. A woman carries a mineral water bottle perfectly balanced on her head. A navy officer in white shirt and shorts sails by on a bicycle.

 

At the Taj, the ground is covered with the detritus of a media siege: cigarette packets, paper plates, half-eaten sandwiches, even an abandoned shoe. An ambulance sits behind the bank of cameras. On the other side of the rope various units of the security forces mill around a man handing out plates of bread and dal. There are the men of the Rapid Action Force in blue camouflage overalls and cardboard boxes at their belts announcing “Tear Gas Munitions”. There are city police with Second World War-vintage Lee Enfield rifles and the occasional more modern SLR rifle. There are regular army troops with leaves in the camouflage netting on their helmets, and black cat commandos. The firemen wear ill-fitting helmets and uniforms with a 19th-century air, as if they’ve been hired from a theatrical company specialising in Gilbert and Sullivan. Later, there will be angry questions in the papers as to why the firemen don’t have modern equipment.

 

 

 

The sun has come out for the first time in a couple of days. The crowd that laps against the rope is curious but subdued. They are from all walks of life: the urban poor obvious by their clothing and small stature, low-level officials, to men wearing pens in their shirt pockets, students in fashionable western clothes, and young Muslim boys in white skullcaps. In contrast to many of the young foreign female journalists, who are wearing salwar kameezes, most of the young Mumbaikar women are in jeans.

 

A senior policeman, his high rank obvious from the size of his belly, waddles over to a loudspeaker truck to announce a series of controlled explosions. Each report sends the plaza’s pigeons shooting up into the air. Two women in gloves walk out of the Taj, each holding the arm of a man in the uniform of a restaurant waiter. He is the last so-called “hostage”. He looks dazed.

 

I have been invited to the Cricket Club of India. It was here, at the club’s elegant art deco Brabourne stadium, that England were practising only a few days ago, before they temporarily cut short their tour and flew home. My host is a plump Indian hedge-fund manager who has lived for most of the last 15 years in New York. His office is in the Taj and he and his employees left just minutes before the terrorists struck. He apologises to me at the gate. The club is not allowing any guests into its premises, as a temporary security measure. I ask if there’s anywhere else we could go for coffee or brunch. “Oh no,” he says, “the only other places I would go to are the Oberoi or the Taj. There is nowhere else.” As I climb into a cab, he warns me: “You can’t eat anywhere, by the way. There haven’t been any deliveries for three days, so the food is dangerous.”

 

I go to lunch in the Churchgate district with the executives and staff of a small chemical company. Everyone is mystified as to why it has taken so long to defeat a terrorist gang that the police say is only ten-strong, and they look for explanations that give the benefit of the doubt to the security forces. A boat-owner explains why coastal security is so poor: “It is a punishment posting for the police – there is no income there. A lot of my friends have boat parties, which are illegal. Police come aboard, you give them two bottles of whiskey and they leave.”

 

One businessman launches into the politicians: “There is no politician who is respected in Bombay today… For years, they called for a proper marina to be built so boats couldn’t just land anywhere. For years, they called for better equipment for the police. For years they called for special commandos to be based in Bombay as Bombay has so many attacks. We need security suitable for a city like this.”

 

I return to the Taj again now that the hotel is truly, definitely liberated. The police are still “sanitising” the building and occasionally detonating what they think may be explosives. The policemen who were supposed to be checking people for press credentials have disappeared. As the last commandos come out, a nun in a grey habit walks up and says hello. Sister Martha’s convent is behind the hotel. She normally walks here every evening for the fresh air. “We could hear all the noise and see the smoke. We couldn’t go out and we couldn’t do anything, so we prayed and prayed.” As dusk falls, the kites that soar above and around the city’s tall buildings disappear, to be replaced by big bats.

 

I visit Menal Baghel, editor of the Mumbai Mirror, part of the Times of India group. The Times building is on the Golden Mile in the Fort district. It’s across the street from the VT. I meet Sebastian D’Souza, the photo editor. It is he who took the infamous pictures of the terrorist walking through the station, calmly gunning people down. He is an extraordinarily brave man who deliberately entered the all-but-deserted local terminal as the terrorists finished their bloody work. He then ran through open train doorways and ducked behind pillars to photograph the men murdering his fellow-citizens. He saw them gun down a shopkeeper and then, strangely, spare a woman who calmly walked past them.

 

D’Souza was struck by the professionalism of the terrorists. “They always shot from the waist. Almost all the wounds were in the body. There were some headshots but that’s because people must have ducked. They were never in any haste.”

 

His courage was in stark contrast to the score or more policemen who were guarding the station, many of whom were armed but who failed to engage the terrorists, instead fleeing along with the passengers. D’Souza came upon two cops with rifles behind one of the trains. “I told them: ‘They’re coming’ and pointed out where the terrorists were, but they ran away.”

 

Everyone I’ve spoken to excuses the police inaction by citing the age of their weapons. While the terrorists had the advantage of automatic weapons, there were only two of them. “They should have engaged them in a battle,” says D’Souza. “[The terrorists] were sitting ducks, especially when they walked on the overpass across the road.”

 

Sunday, November 30

 

I wake up to the news that the Home Minister has resigned. The three English-language 24-hour news channels now claim via police sources there was a trawler waiting to take the terrorists away after their mission. That would mean it wasn’t a suicide mission after all. (This is a trademark of Lashkar-e-Taiba: missions with an apparent excape route.)

 

According to the local papers, the police are also saying there were only ever ten terrorists, nine of whom are dead, and that they planned to kill 5,000 people. For ten men armed only with rifles and grenades to kill 5,000 people would be quite an accomplishment, even for trained terrorists demonstrably capable of fighting off India’s best troops for three days.

 

I grab a quick breakfast in my hotel dining room, surrounded by sunburnt Russian tourists. No one is watching the TV any more and the staff who had been on duty since Wednesday have gone. The Times of India quotes an anonymous police spokesman as saying that the terrorists’ plan was to do “another JW Marriott”, referring to the bombing of Islamabad’s top hotel earlier in the year. Rajiv, a cynical Indian journalist friend, explains: “This is just more arse-covering.” There’s no evidence from their behaviour or equipment that the terrorists wanted simply to blow up the hotels along with their inhabitants.

 

More outrageously, the police are claiming that the terrorists were planning to attack the Times of India building after the VT massacre but were thwarted “by police chasing them with guns and lathis (sticks)”. This directly contradicts what I was told by D’Souza last night. He said that he last saw the terrorists saunter across the pedestrian overpass and head directly to the Cama hospital down the road.

 

Moreover, all the city’s hotels, including the Taj, have had security measures in place for a while to prevent a Marriott Islamabad-style attack. There were complaints from Taj regulars when they found they were no longer allowed to drive their cars right up to the entrance. Instead, they had to park their cars away from the hotel – where they were searched for bombs – and then walk to the lobby, where they were subjected to metal detectors and bag X-rays.

 

On my way to see what remains of Nariman House, I get a call from Kunar Merchant, a young businessman, educated at Wellington College, who was in the Golden Dragon restaurant with his parents when the terrorists attacked and who, after hours in hiding, was escorted out by troops. He tells me that while he was a virtual prisoner in the hotel, “I changed my Facebook profile using my BlackBerry and said that I was at the Taj and if anyone wanted to pass a message to know if a loved one was with us they should contact me. I got SMS updates from relatives at home who were watching the news.” He estimates that some 80 or 90 per cent of the people with him had BlackBerrys. “Some people even had two.” As they waited, “the Taj staff served nuts, sandwiches and beverages and passed out towels.”

 

After he and his parents were led to safety, they were taken to a police station about 20 minutes away. “When we got there someone shouted in Hindi, ‘Why did you bring them here?’ Someone brought us plastic chairs and water but no one talked to us, and we just sat there until my uncle picked us up.” None of them was debriefed. “In fact,” Kunar tells me, “I don’t think there’s any official record that we were even there.” Pause. “That’s our country.”

 

I ask Kunar if he’ll change his social patterns in the wake of the attacks. Not at all, he assures me. “My parents and I are going to go back to the Golden Dragon to finish our dinner the day it reopens.”

 

 

 

The shops have opened in the area around Nariman House. The rubbish has been collected. The dead rats have been removed; where they lay there are stacks of live chickens in cages and piles of vegetables for sale. The way to the Taj and the Gateway to India from the Regal Cinema roundabout is still blocked off to vehicles but thousands of people are walking down it to see the liberated hotel. Some of the police and army commanders are lining up to have their pictures taken with members of the public.

 

I visit Udayan Patel, a well-known psychotherapist, at his home in Breach Candy. The picture window is open to the sea and a weak breeze that brings some relief from the heat. Nine storeys below, children are having pony rides. Udayan has several patients who were at the hotels. He has just visited one patient who was shot in the arm as she escaped from the Taj. She and her husband, who also survived, are at each other’s throats. They were at the Wasabi Restaurant on the 22nd floor. She heard shooting and told her husband and their two friends that they should leave. None of the others listened. The staff insisted that they stay for the second course. Undeterred, she called the commissioner of police on her mobile. He told her that he knew there was firing at the hotel but that police were on their way and they should not worry. It was only when the shooting came very close that the staff ushered all the diners out and into Chambers, the Taj’s version of a St James’s gentlemen’s club, with panelled walls and humidors. At 3.30am the hotel staff began to move people out in groups of ten. The first group, including Udayan’s patient, was fired on and had to race back into the club. At least one diner was killed. Three hours later, army commandos arrived and escorted groups out through a back entrance.

 

Udayan knows another woman who survived because she fainted. It was at Tiffins, the ultra-fashionable sushi and tapas restaurant at the Oberoi. “The waiter was shot dead right in front of her. She fainted. Her brother and her sister, who were sitting next to her, were both shot dead. Then the hotel staff pulled her into the kitchen and out on to the road. They put her into a cab and sent her home.”

 

A businessman shows me a text message going round the city. It says: “We must not worry about those who come through boats. But we must worry about those who come through votes.”

 

As dusk falls, there are hundreds of cricketers on the maidans in front of the handsome Gilbert Scott buildings of the university. Young couples lean into each other on the sea wall along the long curve of Marine Drive. The snack-stands are back on Chowpatty Beach. The traffic has slowed to its usual crawl. Ever quick off the mark, the city’s copywriters are already making use of the attacks: a huge banner for the DNA newspaper asks: “Enough of Tolerance? Speak Up.”

 

As I head for the airport, a burnt-copper sun is dropping into the Arabian Sea through unseasonable haze. As in Los Angeles, pollution makes for amazing sunsets. As we near the airport, a policeman pulls the cab over. It quickly becomes clear that this is not part of some new security drive. The cop takes the taxi driver’s licence and makes him walk back to his car. Through the back window, I see them arguing. The driver returns with his licence, shaking his head. His moustache seems droopier than ever. “He makes me pay him 100 rupees for nothing.” Things are indeed back to normal.

After a disastrous attempt to climb K2, former US Army medic Greg Mortenson had to be nursed back to health by the inhabitants of a remote and impoverished Pakistani village. He vowed to repay them by building a local school, and has now built more than 60 in similar areas across south Asia. Jonathan Foreman meets him

You might miss the girls’ school at the end of the Shigar Valley if you did not spot the small dented blue metal sign by the side of the road. It announces, in English: ‘In the Name of Allah, the Almighty: Jafarabad Community Girls School, Start May 2000. Visitors welcome.’

The school is a simple white L-shaped building with eight classrooms, all of which face the declining winter sun, and a small playground surrounded by a high cement wall. Sitting on the cold ground in neat shivering rows are a hundred little girls, who have come outside to welcome us. They are all wearing white headscarves (they are Shi’ite Muslims), their faces are chapped by the mountain dryness and cold. But they are the faces of progress in a place that has seen little for a long time.

Most of these girls will be the first literate women in their families. It is hard to appreciate how extraordinary that is until you spend some time in this isolated, extremely conservative corner of Pakistan’s Northern Areas. This is Baltistan, also known as ‘Little Tibet’, a spectacularly rugged former kingdom nestled between the Karakorams and the Himalayas.

Here rural schools are rare, girls’ schools even rarer, as the education of girls is condemned by religious extremists as un-Islamic. The Jafarabad school, along with 63 others in equally poor areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan, exists thanks to the efforts of a brave foreigner the locals call ‘Dr Greg’, who has been described as ‘a real-life Indiana Jones’ and spoken of as a candidate for the Nobel Peace Prize.

Bill Clinton has praised him and his two charitable organisations – Pennies for Peace and the Central Asia Institute (CAI) – and he has just co-authored a book, Three Cups of Tea, about his work, which has been on the New York Times bestseller list for months.

Dr Greg – or Greg Mortenson to give him his correct name; and he is a nurse, not a doctor – hates being called a hero. He fired his agent when she tried to sell his story to Hollywood. But how else do you describe a man – a white American – who has made it his life’s mission to build girls’ schools in this remote part of Asia, with no large organisation or government support behind him, and who has had to win over fundamentalist mullahs, opium-dealing warlords and corrupt bureaucrats?

Female education is a controversial and dangerous business in this part of the world. Just last year, pro-Taliban tribesmen in the North-west Frontier Province threatened to kill girls who went to the local colleges and to execute their teachers. Many girls’ schools have been bombed. Last year, one of Mortenson’s own schools in Afghanistan was attacked by the Taliban.

Mortenson likes to say that if he dies doing his work, it is most likely to be in a car accident on one of the region’s treacherous roads. But in 1996 he was kidnapped and held for a week by tribesmen in Waziristan, in north-west Pakistan. In 2003 he narrowly escaped being shot in a firefight between two opium gangs in eastern Afghanistan. He has had two fatwas handed down against him by hostile mullahs, one Shia and one Sunni. In both cases, local communities in Pakistan fought successfully to have them overturned in Sharia courts.

Mortenson has been amazingly successful in areas where others have come a cropper. Yet his organisation has no fancy offices or fleet of Land Cruisers like most aid agencies or non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Based for half of the year in Bozeman, Montana, he spends the rest of his time pounding the roughest roads of Pakistan and Afghanistan, operating out of austere rooms in freezing guesthouses. His handful of staff in Pakistan and Afghanistan are local men, whom he recruited in chance situations.

His Islamabad manager and chief fixer, Suleman, is a former taxi driver who picked Mortenson up at the airport when he was beginning his crusade. Sarfraz Khan, his right-hand man in the remote Wakhan and Charpursan valleys that straddle the Pakistan-Afghan border, is a former smuggler and Pakistan army commando, who rides and walks for days to villages far from any driveable road. He met Wakhil, his point man in Kabul, by chance in a guesthouse on his first visit there in 2002. His staff are evenly split between Sunni, Shia and Ismaili. ‘We send Sunni into Shia areas and vice-versa to show we can work together,’ he says.

His key allies include clerics, warlords, military officers, foreign mountaineers and several former members of the Taliban – one of whom is now a teacher at one of his schools in Kashmir – and an army of ordinary villagers desperate for their children to receive an education. ‘What I’m good at is putting together a team, finding the right people,’ he says. He has no pretentions to any other ability except willpower. ‘I’m just an average guy. I had to work really hard in school. Learning never came easy to me, but I’ve got those Midwestern ethics that force you to persevere.’

Mortenson was, in his own words, just ‘a dirtbag climber’ when he started on the strange path that has made him a bestselling author and an inspiration to Nato officers and peace campaigners alike. It was the early 1990s and Mortenson lived for rock and ice. Based in San Francisco, he supported himself by working as a trauma nurse, but spent most of his time climbing or running marathons. In the summer he would lead treks in Nepal or climb peaks such as Annapurna IV.

In 1993 he was invited to join a minimal-budget expedition to K2 – the world’s second highest mountain. Two climbers made it to the summit, but another developed severe altitude sickness and had to be rescued. Mortenson stayed with him and as a result spent far too long at ultra-high altitude. On the way out to the Baltoro Glacier, a disorientated Mortenson became separated from the group. Eventually, he stumbled into the tiny Balti village of Korphe.

The villagers took in the filthy bearded giant – Mortenson stands well over 6ft tall – and nursed him back to health. It was only as he recovered that he realised how impoverished his rescuers were: how the sugar they put into his tea was precious and expensive, that the smoky hovel he shared was actually the best house in the village.

When he was able to walk around, he asked to see the school. There was none. The children of the village would sit on a little plateau drawing with sticks on the ground, practising whatever a visiting teacher may have taught them. Something about their enthusiasm under such difficult conditions reminded Mortenson of his recently deceased sister, who had suffered from severe epilepsy. He promised to return and build a school.

Back in the US, Mortenson devoted himself to finding $12,000 to finance Korphe’s school. To save money he lived in the back seat of his car. He rented a typewriter and banged out 380 letters to various celebrities asking for help. (He had only one reply, from the American NBC newsreader Tom Brokaw who sent him a cheque for $100.) Mortenson sold his climbing gear for $800, then his car for $500.

Eventually, his luck began to change. A pupil at a school in Wisconsin, where Mortenson’s mother teaches, offered to help after being told that one cent would buy a pencil for a child in Pakistan. In six weeks, his class collected 62,345 pennies. (This Pennies for Pakistan campaign evolved into the organisation called Pennies for Peace, which has raised more than $100,000 for school supplies.)

Next, a friend wrote a brief article in the newsletter of the American Himalayan Foundation about the K2 attempt and Mortenson’s desire to build a school. It was read by Dr Jean Hoerni, a Seattle microchip pioneer and ardent climber. He sent Mortenson a cheque for $12,000, along with a note simply saying, ‘Don’t screw up’.

When Mortenson finally made the long trip up the Karakoram Highway, out east to Skardu and then by Jeep road and goat path to Korphe, the villagers were stunned to see him. Haji Ali, the village headman said, ‘Chisele!’ (Balti for ‘What the hell?’). The Balti people are used to climbers and trekkers promising help and then disappearing for ever.

Before beginning construction of the school, Mortenson travelled to the education ministry in Islamabad to seek permission. ‘It took four days to get to see the right guy. He looked in all these dusty files and said that in 1989 a school had been built there: “These villagers are pulling your leg.” But there was no school.’ As a local education official explained to Mortenson, while encouraging him to go ahead, ‘The school that’s supposed to be there is now someone’s 4×4 in Islamabad.’ In other words, Mortenson discovered, it was one of 3,200 ‘ghost schools’ revealed in 2000 when President Musharraf ordered a massive audit of Pakistan’s schools.

Mortenson’s first project was the template for those that came later. The CAI – Mortenson founded the Institute with Dr Hoerni in 1996 – usually provides the skilled labour, as well as materials like stone and steel bars. ‘The village has to come up with the land, wood, sand and subsidised manual labour. Each house gives a certain number of days. We try to get them to match what we’re giving. It’s not about money, it’s about getting the village to invest in the school.’ Money is given in front of the whole village or at an assembly of the elders, so everyone knows exactly how much has been received. Such transparency and intense local involvement make all the difference in a region where foreign aid efforts frequently fail.

In May 2005 riots broke out in Baharak, the gateway to Afghanistan’s Wakhan province, after Newsweek magazine erroneously reported that a Koran had been flushed down a lavatory at Guantanamo Bay. Every building with any connection to foreigners was burned by furious mobs, including the offices of the UN. But Mortenson’s CAI school was left untouched – protected by village elders who saw it as their own.

In an Afghan restaurant in Islamabad, Mortenson explains the evolution of CAI. ‘There was no initial plan,’ he says, but he has generally sought ‘to go into areas that are under-served, either because of physical isolation, religious extremism or because they are areas of conflict.’ He cuts a rumpled, bear-like figure in a dust-coloured salwar kameez and a black fleece. He looks pale and tired, but youthful for almost 50. He has a sheepish smile that occasionally widens into a mischievous grin. A modest man, he manifests no hard edges, no trace of cynicism or long-suffering moral superiority. When he talks it is obvious that the speeches he gives in America to raise money for CAI must be agony.

Mortenson has set up 55 schools in Pakistan and nine in Afghanistan. ‘In Afghanistan, eight out of nine schools are mixed because there was no school in the community. In that case we encourage boys to come but girls have to make up at least 20 per cent. In Pakistan, 35 out of 55 are girls’ schools.’ There is often serious opposition to the mixed schools. As Khan (the ex-smuggler) explains to me, this is partly because a new school threatens the wealth of mullahs who run madrassas (which charge fees for the instruction they provide).

The teachers that Mortenson and his staff hire are mostly local women, even if they are relatively under-qualified. ‘We tried bringing in outside teachers from Skardu and Gilgit but it didn’t work,’ he says. ‘There were problems with class and caste. They said, “These people are so backward, they live like animals. I can’t work here. I need more money.”?’ For him, the key is sustainability. ‘It’s important to entrust these communites to initiate and manage their own schools. You may not get as high results, but you get sustainable results.’

To help the schools become financially self-sustaining, CAI has funded poplar tree plantations: ‘They mature in three years and are good for building. The money all goes into the community pot.’ About a third of the schools are running independently, he says.

To persuade mullahs and local people that it is a good thing to educate girls, Mortenson and his staff use a variety of arguments. ‘Khan or Ali [the ex-Taliban] will approach the local mullah or headman and say, “If I wanted to marry your daughter, what would be the bride price?”. They reply something like five goats, which is about £100. But if she had a fifth-grade education [up to the age of 10], the price can be four times that. So even for people who don’t trust girls’ education, there’s a financial value to what we’re doing.’

Sympathetic mullahs sometimes travel with Khan, Mortenson’s envoy in the far north. They will point out that the Prophet’s wife was an educated woman and also that an educated mother will help educate her sons. In some communities, Mortenson and his team have only been able to persuade the locals to allow girls to attend until they turn 10. He sees it as an acceptable minimum, one that allows for basic literacy. (Female literacy in Pakistan is under 25 per cent, though the government claims it is closer to 40 per cent.)

Mortenson explains that ‘the marriage age is about 13 in rural areas. But when they have education, the age increases.’ He also likes to point out that though most of the 9/11 hijackers were educated men, ‘most had mothers who were illiterate’. Mothers must give their blessing to a son who wants to undertake jihad, Mortenson explains, and such a blessing may be less forthcoming from a mother who can read.

Mortenson believes that one reason why the Taliban is so anxious to destroy girls’ schools is that, ‘They are afraid that when these girls grow up they are going to lose sway over a large swath of an impoverished, illiterate society. If you educate a boy, you educate an individual. If you educate a girl, you educate a community.’

Setting the curriculum of the CAI schools has been a challenge. Broadly, they use Pakistan’s official curriculum for ‘Urdu Medium’ schools. This includes instruction in Pakistani studies and ‘Islamiat’ or Islamic studies. But CAI adds vital extras, such as classes in sanitation, nutrition and hygiene, and also efforts to preserve traditional cultures. In Baltistan, this means bringing in traditional storytellers, so that the children don’t lose their cultural identity as they gain literacy.

‘Doing work here is so fraught with mistakes and errors that it is worth spending years developing working models rather than saying we’ll educate every girl in Pakistan and put computers in every school,’ he says. ‘A lot is dependent on complex religious, social and economic relationships, using their system to come up with solutions. It’s more important to listen than to talk.’

The key to Mortenson’s unusual approach lies in his own childhood. He grew up in Moshi, Tanzania, where his parents had moved to work as teachers. His father founded the Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Centre, frequently defying the colonial expat community by involving local people in his work. Mortenson was educated in local African schools – he speaks fluent Swahili – an international school run by his mother and then a British school. His family moved back to America in 1972. At a tough urban high school in St Paul, Minnesota, he was beaten up by black children for saying he was from Africa.

‘It was my first real experience of racism,’ he says. Life in America was generally miserable. ‘My parents were completely broke and we were living with my grandparents.’ Four days out of high school, Mortenson joined the army, partly because his father and grandfather had done the same, but mostly because, ‘It meant I could get college paid for on the GI Bill.’ This was in 1975, the US Army’s post-Vietnam nadir, when it was awash with drugs and racial tension, though Mortenson’s training as a combat medic was later to come in useful. After his two years’ service he won a football scholarship to the University of South Dakota.

He had just been accepted into medical school when his father died of cancer. He switched to a neurophysiology graduate programme in the naive hope of finding a cure for his epileptic sister Christa. And he began to climb mountains, an interest sparked by an ascent of Kilimanjaro when he was 11. In 1992, he was climbing on California’s Mount Sill when he fell 800ft, smashing his humerus. At almost the same moment, his sister died. Her loss left him shattered and directionless. When, a year later, a climbing buddy approached him about being expedition medic for an assault on K2, he said yes, hoping the challenge would get his head straight. As things turned out, the experience gave his life direction.

From childhood, Mortenson’s hero had been Sir Edmund Hillary, whom he admired as much for his humanitarian work as for climbing Everest. It was at a talk given by Hillary in San Francisco, just after Mortenson had built his first school in Pakistan, that he met Tara Bishop, whom he married five days later. They moved to Montana and had their first child, Amira, the following year. The couple now also have a son, Khyber. These days, Mortenson only goes away for two months at a time instead of six.

Mortenson seems to operate almost entirely on the basis of last-minute decisions – ‘winging it,’ he says – which can make him infuriating to deal with. He is pathologically late and arrives in Islamabad a full week after we had arranged to meet. Even his book’s co-writer David Relin says that Mortenson operates on ‘Mortenson time’ and speculates that habitual lateness has to do with his childhood in Africa. He also points out that it is another thing that binds him to the Baltistanis, who have no tenses in their language and are notoriously vague in their own timekeeping. Yet it is Mortenson’s intuition that has made CAI so successful. ‘You need a strategy but especially in this type of society you need intuition because that’s what so much of their decision making is based on.’

One thing Mortenson knows for sure is that he doesn’t want to expand the organisation so that it becomes more like a conventional NGO. ‘I don’t want a big office and a tea-man and a chowkidar [watchman],’ he says. He doesn’t even want to have a local office worthy of the name. CAI operates out of room 6 in the Indus Motel in Skardu during the summer months. Otherwise, his office is wherever he and his staff are at the time.

In south Asia working for an NGO is a popular option for the children of the elite: it carries status and perks, such as smart modern offices. But Mortenson’s local staff don’t come from that class. Few of them are educated past their early teens. Their devotion to the cause of literacy – and to Mortenson – is deeply felt.

Khan, who travels around on horseback with a sat-phone and a laptop, recalls meeting Mortenson in 2000 when he was trying to help starving Kirghiz nomads in the Chapursan valley. ‘I see a very helpful man,’ he recalls. ‘He’s not saying, “I am big, I am American.” He goes to every poor home and sits with the people. In Pakistan, rich people have a different style. They don’t listen to poor people. Dr Greg is different, so the people like him.’ I see something of this in Islamabad and Rawalpindi. Men shake hands here and embrace, but Mortenson even shakes the hand of the person opening the door or the ‘boy’ who sweeps the hotel.

The title of his book, Three Cups of Tea, refers to an old Balti saying: ‘The first time you share tea, you are a stranger. The second time, you are an honoured guest. The third time, you become family.’ The book has been a huge hit in the US, selling more than 850,000 copies. Mortenson forced the publisher to change the strapline from ‘One man’s mission to fight terror, one school at a time’ to ‘One man’s mission to promote peace’. ‘I think that people yearn for peace, they’re tired of fighting terrorism,’ he tells me. ‘That’s based on fear, while peace is based on hope.’

He is uncomfortable with the public recognition the book has brought him, but acknowledges that its success has done enormous good for CAI and the schools. ‘It’s put me in front of diverse groups, from people at the Pentagon to feminists in San Francisco to anti-war groups.’

For a man whose life was once defined by climbing, it is surprising to learn that Mortenson hasn’t climbed at all since K2. ‘I’d find it hard to justify, having children and climbing really high. A lot of my friends have died climbing,’ he says, oblivious to the irony that his life is often in danger anyway. ‘Sometimes, I miss it, but what I’m doing now is far more rewarding.’

To find out more about the Central Asia Institute, visit ikat.org. ‘Three Cups of Tea’ (Penguin) is available for £8.99 plus 99p p&p from Telegraph books (0870-428 4112; books.telegraph.co.uk)